فصلنامه روابط خارجی
پیاپی 42 (تابستان 1398)

Given that the UK is one of the powers in the field of international relations, it is necessary to properly understand its approach to the Islamic Republic of Iran's nuclear program, which is an important issue for the Iranian nation. In this study, a case study of the 2013 to 2015 negotiations that led to the JCPOA Treaty examined British strategy on the nuclear issue of the Islamic Republic of Iran and tried to explain its foreign policy against the Iranian’s nuclear program. The main question of this study is what is the UK's approach to the nuclear program of the Islamic Republic of Iran in nuclear negotiations? In order to answer the above question using the thematic analysis method, the main documents and texts of the speeches have been discussed by the British Government and Parliament, and by examining the position of the United Kingdom during the nuclear negotiations, it has been attempted to explain its foreign policy on the nuclear issue. This article uses James Rosenau's theory to examine and analyze British foreign policy on the subject. The results of this study show that the JCPOA has been written in accordance with the UK's national interests and that the country has made considerable efforts to sign it and has since sought to maintain it.

Donald Trump is provoking much discussion about what it means to be a conservative, especially in foreign policy. Parallel to it, there is a wide range of opinion among conservative foreign policy experts over the wisdom of Trump’s international approach and thinking. Nor do these opinions always fall along predictable factional lines. Accordingly, the present article focuses on the reflection of the conservative school on foreign policy in the Donald Trump era. In terms of hypothesis and response, it is noted that the foreign policy of Donald Trump represents a new model of conservatism in light of the realism and nationalism, that, philosophically, psychologically, and politically conservative; it follows that it is pursuing something realistic (military superiority and production base) and idealistic (right of sovereignty and lifestyles). At the same time, America First, American exceptionalism, neglecting international responsibilities, reduce military commitments to allies, and ultimately adhere to the unilateralism, are important factors that in recent years, we have seen the emergence of a coherent conservatism in both words and deeds.

The geopolitical position of countries is constantly evolving under the influence of various factors such as war, revolution and change in the balance of power. Iran and Azerbaijan have been countries that their relations have changed greatly over the past three decades. They are located next to each other and have a special position. This special situation throughout history has caused rivalries and tensions in their relationships. But in addition, their ethnic, religious, historical and economic commonalities can be mentioned as a potential for cooperation. This article uses a descriptive-analytical method to understand the geopolitical relations of the Republic of Azerbaijan with Iran in the fields of competition, tension and cooperation. Azerbaijan is located in a region that due to its geographical features and proximity to Iran has always been considered by world powers and its geopolitical study can be useful in making political, economic, cultural and military decisions of our country and useful to reduce possible future conflicts. Considering the geopolitics of the two countries, The results show that areas such as the Aras River, the transfer of Azerbaijani oil to world markets, the Nagorno-Karabakh crisis, Azerbaijan's relations with the United States and the Zionist regime, hostile and provocative actions against Iran's national security have led to tensions and rivalry between the two countries. In contrast to the geopolitical entanglement of the two countries, the appropriate capacity for geo-economic cooperation, the geopolitical bottleneck of Azerbaijan, geographical coherence and proximity, cultural, social and religious interactions have provided the basis for cooperation between the two countries. Finally, the model of geopolitical relations between the two countries and suggestions for the development of interactions between the two countries are presented.

After collaps of former Soviet Union, Caspian Sea geopolitic region has recived new identity and become an active region with a new fuction. In this regard, connection between interests of the world actors such as United States, European Union, Turkey and China with the coastal countries has intensified the situation and complexity of the region; in the way that competition between the Great powers in the region has activated the strategic aspect of the regional activities. In this relations, existence of the energy source and attention to the region as corridor of business and transportation and also its role as a connection course between Europ and Asia, has resulted to some consequeces for regional countries in the field of political independence, democracy, stability and security and in particular the legal regime. Therefore, this research hypothises that the West strategy in the Caspian region, aimed at supplying its energy interests, has caused ambiguity conserning borders and the legal regime of Caspean Sea.

The Yemen conflict has been widely seen as an extension of the Iran–Saudi Arabia proxy conflict. Politics and Stance of Two Permanent Members of the Security Council, the Russian Federation and the People's Republic of China in the face of the Yemeni crisis are important in determining whether the two world powers exercise a pro-Western policy and support for Saudi Arabia or Iran's position? In the Syrian crisis, Russia was in line with Iran in maintaining the regime of Bashar al-Assad but here the situations are different. The key question is what are the policies and positions of the two permanent members of the Security Council, Russia and China, on the Yemeni crisis? In this research, by using descriptive-analytical method and document content analysis, we try to answer the main question. The focus of this research is to rely on documentary reports and examination of the various political, security and economic dimensions of the issue. The text of all Security Council resolutions and "Voting Process" reports that have been relevant to the discussion has been extracted, studied, translated and analyzed.

In recent decades, due to the formation of terrorist groups of citizens of different countries and the fact that these groups are no longer engaged in this activity at home and this has become an international activity has caused more concern in large countries. This is because these terrorist forces have infiltrated the geopolitics of important regions, including Central Asia, and this has worried the regional and supra-regional powers of Central Asia because of the threats of these forces to the interests of these countries. China is one of the countries in the region that has great interests in the field of energy and other dimensions. Therefore, the present research has been done by descriptive-analytical method and has obtained the necessary information from books and articles. And it seeks to answer the question, what strategy has Beijing adopted for its diplomatic apparatus to control and manage terrorist narco? In this regard, using the theory of threat balance, it is hypothesized that Beijing seeks to develop investment by forming alliances and cooperation with important countries in the region, including Russia and Iran in the form of regional cooperation organizations such as Shanghai and ECO. In order to develop the economy of the Central Asian republics, the economic institutions in this region should take the necessary measures to manage and control the threats posed by the activities of these groups.